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Still no escape from hell

Noreen Haidef

Post-operation footage of Mingora and other parts of Swat is now being shown by the ISPR in its media briefings, and I honestly don't know what I am supposed to feel looking at the images of the now "cleared" areas. The DGPR and the information minister declare that there are no militants left in the wake of a highly successful military action, "Rah-e-Rast," and that the area is now secure. There are good reasons to doubt that, but even if that is true, the very sorry fact is that there is little else that is left in the wake of the military operation in most of Swat. 

I don't know if I'm supposed to feel triumphant and cheer for the army or feel horrified at the images of the totally ravaged towns reduced to rubble. 

I have been a strong advocate of destroying the terrorist networks and crushing them completely. I was always for a decisive action against the militants, but the horrific fact is that in doing so the military action has totally destroyed the very area and people it was supposed to protect. 

What has become of the militants is yet unclear. Have most of them been killed? How many of them were there, to begin with? Have they run off to some other mountains or caves? What happens to their bodies once they are killed? Who identifies them with usually Arab-sounding names, "Abu something" or the other? We have not yet seen any proof of the number of dead militants or "bodies of the second- and third-level leadership of Taliban/militants" claimed by the army to have been killed, but what we have seen is the undeniable proof of the destruction and devastation of the people of Swat who have become displaced in millions. 

The military operation is in full swing and the army is now pounding on the mountains and vallies of Swat with heavy artillery and helicopter gunships in search of militants' hideouts. Although it is true that the army has also suffered causalities and lost officers and jawans, but it is also true that there has been immense collateral damage to civilians, which nobody is supposed to talk about. Does it really matter in the end whose rocket actually destroyed the home of an innocent civilian?

The armed conflict and resulting military operation have destroyed more than just the infrastructure of the towns; it has actually destroyed the very fabric of the society in that culture. It has destroyed whatever sources of livelihood the local population had. It has destroyed the homes, markets, schools, mosques, hotels, water sources, agriculture, standing crops, livestock and trade. The infrastructure might be rebuilt again, but how would entire lives be built again from scratch is the million-dollar question.

According to the latest UN report, as of May 27 there are now over 2.5 million IDPs registered in the six affected NWFP districts, 167,565 of them living in established camps and 2.3 million in other accommodations. According to the NWFP government, the figure is now three million. The "cleaned" NADRA list of registered IDPs states the count at 1.6 millions. 

The IDPs in the camps are the most vulnerable who had nowhere to turn to and they are totally dependent on state help. The ones with friends and families are not much better off either. 

Over the past week, over 100,000 IDPs have moved into some 1,800 vacant schools in five districts. The largest influx is in Mardan district. Water and sanitation conditions in the camps are deteriorating fast and urgent attention is needed to prevent the spread of waterborne diseases. Women and children are the most vulnerable, especially the ones that are not accompanied by their men folks. These are almost always marginalised in terms of relief distribution and special needs. It is vitally important that camp mangers must be instructed by the government of focus on these vulnerable groups and give special consideration to their needs. It is heart wrenching to see that many of these unaccompanied women have actually lost their menfolk in this conflict and they are in mourning but because of the situation befallen them they are not even able to grief for their loss. I met a mother of six at Jalala camp whose husband had died before her eyes 25 days previously before they could make their escape from Mingora, but she was too shocked to even cry. She told her story dry-eyed and asked for some lighter clothes for her children as it was so hot. 

The host families of the IDPs too are now at the rope's end. The UNHCR has already declared that if the international community does not chip in very soon they will have to stop their operation in one month. The IDPs need assistance immediately. If the government doesn't speed up its sluggish relief efforts soon, it could precipitate an even bigger disaster. It is important for the government to remember that the IDPs did not leave their homes of their own sweet will; they were forced to leave by the policy and strategy of the government. Therefore, the government is responsible to start taking care of them without a single moment's delay. 

The government is still unclear about the IDPs policy, which it is yet to announce. It has made no plans to reach out to the off-camp IDPs in an effective manner. The government is dependent on the UNHCR for distribution of non-food items to off-camp IDPs, but has no countercheck to monitor how effectively it's being done, if at all. The DCOs of the host districts do not have any data of the quantity of non-food items being distributed by the UNHCR, nor are they authorised to distribute any of the items themselves. The result is that there are many relief items stocked in government warehoused which cannot be distributed to in-camp or off-camp IDPs, except by the UNHCR.

So it's again the IDPs who are at the receiving end of operational hiccups and delays. The government warehouses in Mardan are stacked with the required items which the district government has to hold till it is distributed by the UNHCR. However, relief items are being distributed by people on their own, in an irregular manner.

The sanitary conditions in the camps are getting worse by the day. The Tehsil Municipal Administration was supposed to provide sanitary workers for providing cleaning facilities but they are not deputed in sufficient numbers with the result that the camps are stinking and the worsening hygiene conditions could lead to disease and even epidemic like diarrhoea and cholera.

The federal minister for information and broadcast has announced that to-date the government has received $230 million in aid but the three-phase plan for relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction is still not ready. 

The IDPs of Malakand and other areas are still waiting for any substantial help from the government. It is more than plastic buckets or flour bags that they need. The government must immediately chalk out a plan for their rehabilitation in their own areas. If the statements of the ISPR are correct and parts of Malakand are actually secure, then the IDPS must be moved back to their own hometowns and provided assistance there, rather than be kept rotting in camps and makeshift shelters.



The writer has extensive experience of research and monitoring in disasters and is currently working as member social sector in the chief minister's monitoring and implementation cell in Punjab.

The News: Tuesday, June 09, 2009